Sanhi ba ito ng kawalang pakialam ng karaniwang tao sa mga usaping politikal, ekonomiko, at diplomatiko? Kung panlipunan kasi, hayag na hayag at napakalinaw na sa kanilang kamalayan ang realidad ng kanilang estado. Malinaw ding ang agwat sa pagitan ng mga nasa kapangyarihan, mga nasaa laylayan nito, at iyong mga nakamasid lamang dito. Malamang narinig na rin natin ang karaniwang argumento ng karaniwang tao, “uunahin ko pa ba yan kaysa sa kumakalam na tiyan ng pamilya ko?”

Hindi kaya ang pamahalaan ang tila walang tapat na layuning iahon ang masa mula sa kanilang sitwasyon? Madalas na nating naririnig sa telebisyon, radyo, at mga babasahin na ang pamahalaan ay serbisyo publiko. Madalas din nating naririnig, nababasa, at napapanood ang napakaraming kaso ng paggamit sa kapangyarihang politikal upang payamanin ang sarili at pamilya. Sigh.

 Nakalulungkot ang realidad sa Pilipinas. Minsan, nakakapaghina ng loob.

Sa huli, ayokong magmukhang kontrabida. Ah basta, kung ano na lang magagawa ko para sa bayan NANG MAY KATAPATAN, sapat na yun: MALAKING BAGAY na ang maging tapat sa serbisyo, o anumang trabaho ang mayroon ka.

How about the thousands of OFWs who have just been repatriated to the Philippines due to persistent violence in their countries of employment? Does their untimely arrival mean they’re not blessed? I don’t think so. Like other international migrant workers, papa and my brother also took the risks and susceptibilities to distressful conditions or separation anxieties attached to overseas employment. But the difference would be whether they have seized the opportunities through labor migration or keep them at bay.

As a son and a brother of OFWs and as a graduate student of international relations, I get to see both personal and academic views on the issue of international labor migration and how it affects my country’s political choices, economic policies and programs, and the society. But as a person, I choose to be optimistic without disregarding the realities of the issue at hand.

Apparently a conventional risk, international labor migration (or overseas employment) has evolved through time across all sorts of relevant issues and brought both tremendous and terrible changes in various parts of the globe. Because of the sudden unfolding of global events, the enduring relevance of migration and the vulnerability of migrant workers are further highlighted. Prevalent or conventional labor migration problems continue to challenge decision-makers: illegal recruitment, human trafficking, and inhumane treatment of migrant laborers. To these, most states have already responded.

However, I strongly believe that contemporary problems in international labor migration have already proliferated and will even bud emerging risks that also need substantial and immediate attention. I chose two of the more emergent ones: a) economic and social reintegration of migrant-workers (OFWs) who have been repatriated due to conflict/ distress in their countries of employment, or due to migrant-receiving states’ manpower retrenchment; and b) the reorientation of the future labor force to mitigate the proliferation of unemployed “abroad-driven” graduates.

At this point, please allow me to share a brief story of my nation’s exodus and to use it as an illustration of the multifaceted and emergent risks of international labor migration, and the probable means through which they can be converted to opportunities.

Taking chances

Hoping for better economic conditions, the Philippines’ overseas employment program was conceived in the 1970s as a temporary measure to address pressing problems of unemployment and balance-of-payments through remittances. True enough, in a span of 30 years, remittances from OFWs jumped from a mere Php103 million in 1975 to Php10 billion in 2005, a hundredfold increase.[1] These remittances are no doubt a huge respite for a struggling economy. But more than the money, the migrant workers are absolutely more valuable. Therefore, the emergent risks that my present generation of decision-makers will have to face deal with people and how to empower them amid vast circumstances.

Due to sudden world events, thousands of OFWs have returned and more of them   are expected to return in the next months. As of December 2011, “the Philippine government had already repatriated 26,273 OFWs, most of them from war-torn Libya and other MENA countries.”[2] Lately, new immigration policies and economic crises have compelled migrant-receiving states to implement retrenchment. Their return will certainly add to the lingering problems of unemployment and underemployment in the country. This massive influx of migrant workers calls for an orderly and comprehensive repatriation and reintegration program.

So now, the surfacing questions posed by the first emergent risk are: Can the government handle the challenge of OFW absorption? Given its developing state, how can the country keep its economy afloat; and the society, motivated?

This is related to the second risk which deals with the reorientation of the future labor force to mitigate the proliferation of unemployed abroad-driven graduates.

Now, let me illustrate why this is also a challenging risk. The Philippines has been the largest exporter of nurses worldwide. “Of all employed Filipino registered nurses (RN), roughly 85% work overseas.”[3] I, for one, was once lured to shift to nursing when I was a college sophomore because of the promising high-paying overseas employment associated with the course. It is also assumed that majority of young people in developing (especially labor-sending) countries have adapted a certain ‘culture of emigration’ in which spending a time working abroad becomes a normal ‘rite of passage.’[4] Years close to my college graduation, the financial crises struck the world market propelling many migrant-receiving states to halt hiring, retrench employment, therefore causing widespread unemployment. At that time also, thousands of BS Education graduates who originally aimed to teach abroad just added to the rising number of jobless in the country. Behind this labor employment phenomenon is an acute problem: the improper orientation of the future economy-drivers of the nation. Good thing, I took the road less traveled (a decisive risk). I landed a good job.

Perseverance and direction matter.

A key factor to a labor-sending state’s maximization of overseas employment is a development-oriented migration attitude. Here, migrant-sending states will not only focus on allowing better-educated and highly-skilled professionals and manual workers to toil abroad and send remittances. Economic progress through remittance-dependence was not the way of many progressive economies that were also formerly dependent on labor-sending migration. Like the Philippines, these countries also took major risks in the 1950s-1970s and now reap the harvests of economic and intellectual advancement.

“Until the mid-1980s, Korea was one of the major labor-sending countries in Asia. Now, it opens its market to foreign workers.”[5] Its government was firm in the belief that the state’s labor emigration policy would only be a transient one, with the aim of perseveringly aid their struggling economy while also absorbing skills and technical knowledge from industrialized countries and utilize them for their local industries. Indeed, Korea took chances. It took the risk while keeping its wheels on track.

Likewise, during the twentieth century, millions of migrants from China and India were received by select countries in North America and Europe. Although this action was not directly promoted by the respective governments of the hitherto non-economic giants, their people back home tremendously benefitted from the positive economic impact of their countries’ home-grown but globally competent engineers and IT specialists. Not only have they become contributors to the national development of their respective countries, they have also become assets to recipient states.

Reaping the harvest

Clearly, emergent risks may not have yet penetrated people’s minds but these risks do gradually proliferate. Before a matter gets worse, decision-makers and leaders of tomorrow have to act on it. And just like the triumphant stories of Korea, China, and India, other developing states like the Philippines can also move from risks to opportunities.

First, the risk of economic and social reintegration of migrant-workers will be quite costly. But as the manager of its citizens’ affairs, the government is responsible for this crucial step. “Through the National Reintegration Program, returning OFWs will be provided with the appropriate assistance that would ease their return to the country. Under the program, they can avail of a low-interest, collateral-free loan offered under the Php 2 billion OFW Reintegration Loan Fund, from which they can borrow a minimum of Php 500,000 to a maximum of Php 2 million for new or existing businesses.”[6] The government, through the Commission on Overseas Filipinos, also designed the Diaspora to Development Initiative, “taking as models the best practices from countries that have shown significant progress in mobilizing their diaspora communities to contribute to home country development.” One of its eight development actions, the Return and Reintegration program, focuses on “providing returning OFWs and retirees information and facilitating services for a successful reintegration into local life.”[7] Interestingly, OFWs are considered modern heroes (mga bagong bayani) because of their contribution to national economic development. Therefore, it is just appropriate that they are given prompt and efficient service in the process of reintegration into the economy and society. More than their worth as migrant-workers, they are first and foremost kababayans (fellow countrymen).

It is logical to assume that international labor migration is a mutual process, benefitting both labor-sending and labor-receiving states. “Migrants transfer home skills and attitudes – known as ‘social remittances’ – which support development. In the process, ‘brain drain’ is being replaced by ‘brain circulation.’”[8]
Therefore, as long as the returning migrant workers generously pass on professional and technical skills and expertise to their countrymen, intellectual development will keep going. This is a key foundation for economic advancement.  Financial remittances, in this context, will therefore become only secondary to the much-needed transfer of skills. Of course, the remittances should be used to enrich the budding socio-economic growth of the country. This also emphasizes the critical importance of returning migrant workers rather than viewing them as burdens to economic development. Their reintegration will significantly contribute to national development. Of course, they have to be guided accordingly as they invest in entrepreneurship and other sustainable income-generating activities. Civil society groups (business communities and NGOs focusing on sustainable livelihood) can be of great help to them.

The reorientation of the future labor pool is truly a risk. The problem with the prevalent line of thinking of most Filipino graduates is the lack of nationalist risk-taking and global competence. By taking the risk of reorientation, the opportunity of socio-economic transformation may be achieved. To maximize the opportunities, deliberate change should begin from where policy-makers can meet future history-makers: the school. It is where students can be honed to become sharers, and not just receivers of opportunities. In addition, a country should produce graduates that consider both national socio-economic development and global competence. As early as NOW, future history-makers should be taught that although overseas employment can bring economic benefits to a developing country, it is not always the key to achieving them. It is only an instrument to receive and ‘pay forward.’

To go beyond ‘overseas employment,’ the enormous and prospective labor pool should be reoriented with a new perspective: to learn and contribute more and not just to graduate and leave the country. This veers away from a deeply embedded emigration-for-money-only culture. Risks should have noble purposes in order to gain precious opportunities.

It will certainly be worth it when people begin to focus and understand the very purpose of work, even in the context of international labor migration and development.

American critic Brooks Atkinson wrote, “This nation (US) was built by men who took risks – pioneers who were not afraid of the wilderness, business men who were not afraid of failure, scientists who were not afraid of the truth, thinkers who were not afraid of progress, dreamers who were not afraid of action.”

The Philippines, just like other developing and migrant-sending states, is still on an exodus. It is yet to find the very essence of overseas employment and more importantly, the value of the people who continue to face the risk of international labor migration. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this tiny developing country will reach the promised destination.

Along the way, its people can gain precious experiences that they can sow for future harvest.

Take chances.

Persevere and follow good direction.

You will reap the abundant harvest.

            To start with, I wish to contextualize international institutionalism by juxtaposing it with other forms of new institutionalism, so I can provide a larger vista of what institutionalism is, and later on, also present a clearer and specific explication of international institutionalism and the approaches related to the concept. From among the seven types of new institutionalism presented by Lowndes in Marsh & Stoker, I’d like to expound only on three: rational choice institutionalism, normative institutionalism, and focus on international institutionalism. From which, I shall elaborate and discuss the approaches presented by prominent scholars on international institutionalism.

            Normative institutionalism asserts that norms and values embodied in political institutions affect, and to some extent, dictate or change the political behavior of individuals. Rational choice institutionalism assumes that political institutions can serve as arenas within which individual actors can maximize their interests. In that way, their rational interests can serve their individual and collective goals. I specifically included these two types of institutionalism to underscore the nature and rationale of international institutionalism by looking into the parallelism of these types to international institutionalism. We assume that the political institutions described in normative institutionalism are the international institutions; also we assume that individuals are the states. Therefore, if we will rephrase it to suit international institutionalism, we say that international institutions can implicitly or explicitly affect the behavior of states. Another parallelism is rational choice with international institutionalism. We assume that these domestic political institutions are global organizations. Also we assume that individual actors are the states – self-interested and egoistic yet maximizing their inclusion in an organization to serve its national interests, besides the collective goals of the institution. Therefore, if we rephrase the assumption of rational institutionalists, and place it parallel to international institutionalism, we say that states are rational actors that cooperate with other states in a particular organization to serve both collective but especially individual interests. Of course, this collaboration will require their compliance with the rules set by such institution.

            Clearly, the basic assumptions of both normative institutionalism and rational choice institutionalism, when combined, stresses the main preposition of international institutionalists: that the norms and rules embodied in international institutions implicitly or explicitly affect the behavior of individual states and that these individual states will maximize their membership in their respective organizations by either utmost or relative abidance to the rules and norms of the institution, depending on the possibilities of gaining their rational interests. In other words, it is the structure of international institutions and the behavior of individual states that contribute to the enhancement of both: the structure affects the behavior of states, and states form and enhance the institutional structure.

            International institutionalism’s roots can be traced back to the advocacies and principles of liberalism especially its neoliberal strand. According to neoliberalism, international institutions can serve as useful instrument for collaboration among member-countries. Prominent scholars like Snidal and Krasner underscore the relevance of institutions and (its related concept) of regime, respectively. While Snidal puts emphasis on the role of institutions to serve the interests of its members, Krasner specifically focuses on the functional aspect of institutions/ organizations. According to Krasner, international regimes are sets of principles, rules, norms, and decision-making procedures around which actors converge in any given area of international relations. He goes on to detail what each of the four sets mean. Principles are beliefs of fact, rectitude, or causality. Norms are standards of behavior defined in terms of rights and obligations; Rules are specified prescriptions or proscriptions and decision-making procedures are for implemention of collective choices. Joseph Nye and Keohane, in Power and Interdependence, contend that while neoliberals recognize the rational behavior of state as actors, they’d rather focus on how these rational interests can be best achieved by means of international institutions. For them, organizations serve as the most effective instrument to discuss and realize/ implement their common interests.

            Apparently, the recent direction of empirical studies of international institutions and the consequent challenges and prospects concerning it can be best understood when applied in real context of international organizations. I wish to briefly discuss this in the case of the UN, ASEAN & EU.

            The United Nations can perhaps be an example of what Bull, Watson, Jackson, Wight, and Dunne refer to as an International Society of States (English School). In the UN, every state is considered equal, at least in theory. Their respective views on particular matters are expressed in the General Assembly. In other words, the UN serves as the arena where important and crucial matters can be discussed, where treaties and conventions can be formulated and done to serve the general interest of the international community. However, Held noticed that this liberal sovereignty, or a community of states via institutions has loopholes. He asserted that states have very different characters; that there will always be spill-over effects or consequences; the tendency or risk of arrogance by the primus inter pares in crucial issues that may threaten their interests; and that international organizations are not enough to support the interest of states.

            The ASEAN is another case of an institution, regional in scope. As mentioned earlier, institutions have norms, rules, and values shared by member-states and they themselves are bound to comply with, and responsible to enhance. In the case of the ASEAN, there’s this so-called ASEAN way where 5 core principles are to be respected and followed: a.) each state should recognize the sovereignty of fellow states; b.) each state has the right to existence and territorial integrity; c.) each state should respect the rule on non-interference – meaning, a state is expected not to involve itself in the domestic political affairs of the other; d.) non-use of force; and e.) cooperation as much as possible. As recent events have shown, ASEAN member-states have attempted to comply with the shared principles of the organization, but quite weak on some matters (Burma case). According to Cockerham, the recent integration of ASEAN is relatively new because of the absence of a solid Southeast Asian identity throughout the centuries of colonization. But this is precisely why institutions are important as neoliberals and especially constructivists would contest. Institutions are social-construct that can be utilized to form and enhance a common identity among members of any particular institution. The EU had gone through it many times yet its case is still an interesting topic among scholars up to now.

            In 1993, Baldwin published the neo-neo debate. One of the six focal points therein is international cooperation. According to neorealists (Grieco et al), international cooperation is difficult to achieve and maintain. Neoliberals (Lipson and Keohane et al) argue that the insecurity among states all the more demands the formation of institutions to mitigate further misunderstandings because they will have to share common values and rules. In the end, they concluded that the future of the EU will determine the validity of each party. Nearly two decades after the publication, it appears that the EU has emerged as an important case for integration through institutionalization.

Let me begin with the nature of international system. Realism holds that the international system is anarchic – meaning, there is no central government that enforces norms and rules in the system of states. Classical/ human nature realism holds that because human nature is dominantly aggressive, opportunistic, and rational, it would always pursue its interests in a way that places interests over ideologies (Walt in Katznelson, 2009). States are parallel to humans who live in an anarchic setting. This is the premise of neorealism, an offshoot of realism, but it emphasizes that it is actually the anarchic nature of the international system, and not human nature, that compels states to seek survival (Waltz, 1979). On the other hand, liberalism asserts that humans are essentially good, and that they can live in peace. Although it recognizes that humans, and states for that matter, have the tendency to pursue their interests, they will nonetheless prefer collaboration in matters that will benefit them. Classical liberalism (such as in the works of Kant, Perpetual Peace) therefore believes in utopia – a society that exists in harmony, and where justice, rule of law, and order are firmly upheld. Neoliberalism, an offshoot of liberalism, maintains that there is indeed anarchy in the international structure BUT this can be overcome through complex interdependence and, by means of global institutions and regimes (Nye, Keohane, 83). Therefore, while realists see the nature of the international system as helpless, liberals see with optimist lens.

Second point of comparison is on the interests of actors. Basically, realism holds that states seek to survive and acquire power for security (Walt in Katznelson, and Goldstein). The realist tradition has always been keen on the notion that states would always strive to attain power primarily because of the uncertainties prevalent in the international structure. If we trace classical realism, from Thucydides (400 BC) Peloponnesian War to Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations (1948), the school attests to the notion that states like humans would always pursue relative gains – one state’s gain is another’s loss. Fear, jealousy, suspicions and anxieties fuel further insecurities. The more states are insecure, the more they increase with the use of power, and force when necessary. Liberal tradition recognizes the need for states to collaborate in order to achieve their common goals. Nye and Keohane, in Power and Interdependence, adhere to the realist assumption that states seek to survive in anarchy. In fact, to them, anarchy is a big problem; but they emphasize the argument that global institutions can mitigate the degree of anarchy, and can actually be instruments or viable means to achieve the common interests of states.

As to the bases of how actors behave in the system, the demarcation is clear: realists want relative gains while liberals prefer absolute gains. In the realist line of thinking, the uncertainties of power structure all the more make states hunger for more power in order to secure themselves in an anarchic setting. For one state to gain, the other should lose. But liberals strongly oppose to this view, arguing that power struggle will only complicate anarchy. As a resolve, states should focus on what can benefit them more. Liberalism buys rationality (rational behaviour of states to achieve ends) but sees it only as a factor that would eventually benefit the majority.

Steve Smith (Positivism and Beyond) observed that both realist and liberal paradigms are dominantly positivist in ontological terms. “What is out there” is clear: material acquisitions such as security through military strength, economic prosperity through complex interdependence, and the pursuit of national interests. For centuries, scholars supporting either tradition apply scientific methods akin to that of natural science to come up with empirical findings (Marsh, Stoker). However, as contemporary scholars of IR would attest, there is more to positivism, realism and liberalism.

Therefore, alternative theories have eventually emerged in the field of IR. These “non-mainstream” theories veer away from the “materialist” goals of both realism and liberalism, and rather adapt non-conventional means to understand international politics. Constructivism (social constructivism) is considered a more prominent alternative to the mainstream theories. In social constructivism, “ideational goals” replace “materialist goals.” It also holds that the world is a social construct (Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics). According to this theory, ideas and images play important roles in the transformation and revolution of international relations. Another alternative is the English School. Although its proponents recognize some salient features of realism and liberalism as important factors to understand IR, they nonetheless move toward the “via media” (middle path). It therefore criticizes traditional theories as narrow perspectives in IR problem-solving. This School is built on the foundations laid by Bull (Anarchical Society), Wight, Vincent, Watson (1960s-1980s), Dunne, Jackson and Wheeler (1990s) and recently, Buzan and Littler (2001). Critical Social Theories also either deconstruct (Postmodernism), critique and offer alternative view (Marxist), and suggests and reassess (Feminism) particular issues not addressed, or not fully attended to, by the traditional theories.

Graduation ceremonies and rites are often labeled “commencement exercises.” The former implies ‘the end of a phase’ or a ‘departure from a certain level at school’ (e.g. high school, college) while the latter entails a ‘new era’ or ‘a beginning’ or ‘a period of transition.’ For me, graduations are a crossover period – crossing over an intersection of life. On such special occasion, students leave years of toil, hard work, and puppy fun, as they set foot on yet another period in life – but with added complexities, or to sound nicer, added value. Whichever way we call it, there’s still an aspect of moving on and learning more.

For kindergarten graduates, graduation is a crossover from basic alphabet to using these ABCs to write stories in well-structured paragraphs or compose poems with rhyme and measure. For grade school graduates, it could be a dreadful transition from fundamental Math to the more complex and “severe” problems of algebra. For high school graduates, it could mean a modification of a student’s life – the reduction of teenage pleasure – hang-outs and gimmicks, or an escape from the agony of enduring a Physics lecture. Of course, college can offer new flavors of academic thrill but with less levity (social life) or greater gravity (more complex academic demands). College, to some extent, is a preparation for your long term career in life. In that case, it’s a changeover – some radical changes will have to be considered in order to assume greater demands. Others like me who have happily chosen to experience and finish graduate studies aim for advanced learning; though relatively bigger pay is a bonus of course. In my case, graduation is more than the conferment of a Master’s degree; it’s an affirmation of your scholastic ability and academic maturity.

Regardless of whichever phase of school life you’re graduating from, the significant factor in every commencement exercise is the challenge of leaving the past but carrying with you the values of perseverance, diligence, and discipline as well as the lessons you have gained – whether cognitive (knowledge-based) or bits of wisdom and realizations you should have drawn from the topics – and how you can apply them to your career, profession, and even in real-life situations. Who said you can’t apply trigonometry to real-life situation? Uhmm, even I don’t know how. J Algebraic expressions are easier to apply but not everyone would be able to relate to it. Example, find x. I can’t relate. I never had an x.

End of the day, commencement exercises should really be a special occasion for graduating students. It is a time to celebrate God’s faithfulness in one’s life as a student, a time to give back glory to the One who bestows generously to the faithful and hardworking ‘servant’; a time to pay gratitude to our parents, guardians, grandparents, sibs, for their undying patience and support; and a time also to appreciate the usually unnoticed contributions of friends: laughter and tears.

It doesn’t matter how long it took you to finish the race, but how you kept the faith and FINISHED the race.

To batch 2012 of UP Diliman and Ateneo High School (my first batch of students), congratulations! Here’s to a new beginning! Dangal at Husay. Ad majorem Dei gloriam!

I, as a concerned citizen, only hope that the truth will be heard, and justice be served, according to the guiding artciles of the Constitution. We don’t want another melodrama that portrays scandalous and quite immature moments that has gone into the pages of the country’s rich history.

Great morning. So here’s my first status update for the year 2012:

God’s Spirit has really prepared me for my quiet time this morning. Sobrang amazing. In my dream kanina, I passed by a former student (blonde hair), and he asked me something I didn’t understand. I just smiled and he seemed quite saddened. I went back to him, and he told me if I’d like to contribute to a song. He entered the room (I remember, it was 1H 2008). Very weird coz his face was that of EJM and his stature was that of CC, and his hair was white blonde). So there, I stood right there, back of the room, listening to the class’ song. And their moderator pa is Mr. E) The message of the song encourages people to “number our days” sieze every opportunity to do good. Suddenly, my tears began to fall… and while I was still savoring the song and its beautiful simple melody, nagising na ako. Even in my consciousness, the song and its message has lingered, though I can’t completely remember the exact lyrics now, just the message of the song…

After a while, I had my quiet time with God. His Spirit surprised me. I was encouraged to read the verses aloud to the tune of the melody of the song in my dream kanina. It complemented so well with Psalm 90. And amazingly, the verse struck me: “Teach us to number our days, that we may gain a heart of wisdom.” Psalm 90:12

Nakakakilabot sa puso. Sa panaginip ko pa lang, ipinarating na ni God yung mensahe para sa akin not just for this morning but for the year 2012.

Amazing kasi bago pa ako magquiet time, kinuwento ko na sa nanay ko ang tungkol sa mensahe doon sa panaginip ko. Kaya nakakagulat, not a coincidence, na iyon din mismo ang message ni God sa akin for 2012.

I believe that 2012 will be a GREAT year for me.

“May the favor of the Lord our God rest on us; establish the work of our hands for us -
yes, establish the work of our hands.” Psalm 90:17

In Jesus’ Mightiest and Most Powerful name, Amen.

A new year indeed.

What a great promise of God to those who believe in Him!

Hi folks, the year 2011 is coming to an end, and in just a few hours, we will welcome another year. According to the news (which was based on a recent survey), 95% of Filipinos are hoping for a better year – way better than the previous ones, I suppose. This is a good thing, and I join these optimistic people, always looking at the bright side of the whole thing. However, we also have to examine those tiny (or even huge) negative vibes that perhaps caused adversity or obstruction of blessings, and assess the past year – what good have I done, what not-so-good have I done, what bad have I done, but the most important is – what good can I do now. Got it right – self-evaluation: looking into both angles in order to take better actions for the next.

I’d like to share with you a glimpse of my past year, not only to tell my story but to share stuff that can somehow encourage people. Honestly, it was a wave. Strong, fierce, and severe in the first quarter because of the demands associated with my work as a teacher in an all-boys school in QC especially because we were in the last trimester of the school year, and other reasons. During those last days of the school year, I was kind of excited, looking forward to ending the school year after a relatively stressful one. That would mark the end of my contract too. It was a relief. But a part of me felt a bit emotional – three years of teaching and sharing, loving and caring, sacrifice and understanding, blessing and discipline, and academic learning (yes, even teachers learn) within the confines of the high school – would be coming to an end. Prior to my dismissal, I was approached by a good friend if I would like to teach part-time, given that my full-time contract was over. But something happened, as expected. Some parents sort of gave a threat – that if I would stay at the (high school), they would find a way to have me fired or dismissed. So much bitterness they had, accused me of imparity and unprofessionalism. Of course, their assumptions and allegations are untrue but I’d rather stay away from such complicated and cloudy scenario. I’d rather leave. Clearly, I could not push through with working part-time. Anyway, a bigger portion of my mind says, “I want to get relieved and get on with my life.” But given all the stress in my last year, I had so much fun (and food) during my stay at the (insert name of the high school here), especially in the first two years. Drama naman. 

Good thing din naman that I was not hired part-time because I had the luxury of time to allot for my graduate studies para naman I could finish my program before I reach the maximum residency period. I feel blessed because I had the chance to study full-time at the UP (though I’ve been a graduate student of International Studies for almost 5 years already, yes, I was a working student). My dad and bro who both work abroad have promised to support my studies. Although I have some savings to support my last semester in the graduate school, the family has been very supportive. Kahit si mama, hinahatid ako tuwing papasok at susunduin kapag masyadong maraming dala. My last semester was refreshing but challenging at the same time – becoming a student (again) implies freedom, but being a full-time student with all the heavy demands in the grad school entails perseverance and hardwork. But to make the long story short, I survived it. Praise God.

I left a good school, and intensified my stay with my beloved school. It’s been a good year. Good, to me, is not perfect… Circumstances came but yeah, all things work together for the good of those who love the Lord. Challenges come but so long as you know you’re guided by the Good Shepherd, no worries. Jesus, take the wheel. 

Jeremiah 33:3
3 ‘Call to me and I will answer you and tell you great and unsearchable things you do not know.’

Jeremiah 29: 11
For I know the plans I have for you,” says the LORD. “They are plans for good and not for disaster, to give you a future and a hope.

AMEN. 

Aaron G. Laylo

To begin with, I would like to give a brief background on some empirical observations that called my attention for this study. By doing this, the reader can have an overview or preliminary outlook of the energy situation in the Philippines and the ASEAN in general. As of July-September 2011, world oil prices have inconsistent movement, moving up and down amid worries of improving demand, supply shortage from Libya, and the continued Euro Zone debt crisis.^[i] Meanwhile in the Philippines, with the latest hike, the average pump prices in Metro Manila climbed to as follows: gasoline (unleaded), P55 per liter; diesel, P45 per liter and kerosene, P55 per liter.^[ii] These prices, of course, may change in just a matter of days due to various considerations (world market prices, oil companies’ adjustments and the government’s regulation). But from these facts, one can assume and even ascertain that oil prices in the world market have direct impact on the oil-dependent domestic markets which would eventually affect economies. The Philippines, being an oil-dependent country has to manage varying skyrocketing of oil prices and search for alternative and sustainable sources of energy in order to fuel its vulnerable economy. Moreover, the Philippines’ (politico-economic) standing in the Southeast Asian region seems ambiguous and hazy due to its up-and-down economic performance in the last two decades.^[iii] It is widely perceived by economists and technocrats alike that energy is closely linked to the economic dynamism of a certain country or region. Alarming as it may seem, the Philippines cannot be completely considered an exemption; for the very region where it is located also experienced energy security problems, and can still be considered vulnerable to energy demand instabilities.

Although much of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have proven reserves of oil and natural gas (the primary energy source fueling the region’s industries) these resources are minimal and recent discoveries have so far failed to meet the populations’ consumption growth since 2008, especially oil (please see TABLE 1) and high demand in the[MR 21]  region. Despite the relative scarcity (compared to oil-rich regions of West Asia, Africa, and America) ASEAN countries have nonetheless abundant and diverse reserves of other energy sources such as natural gas, coal, hydrothermal, geothermal, and biofuels (please see Figure 1). For instance, the region as a whole holds close to 4% of total world proven natural gas reserves^[iv] with Indonesia and Malaysia having the most significant reserves. As a result, ASEAN has become the fourth largest liquid natural gas (LNG) producer.  A major difficulty though is that these reserves tend to be located far away from the major centers of economic activity thus requiring substantial investment in infrastructure and transportation.^[v] Another problem is that only a few countries are genuinely self-sufficient and have developed facilities. For instance, access to modern energy is limited in Myanmar and Cambodia, but is at 100 percent in Singapore.^[vi]

Going back and zooming in on the case of the Philippines, are there reasons to be alarmed? How secure is the Philippines provided its ratio of energy reserves-production and supply-demand? Although proven natural gas reserves (please see TABLE 2) may be sufficient for the next 20 years since the operation of the Malampaya natural gas fields off Palawan island; and hydrothermal and geothermal energies have been tapped, as well as biofuels, there is still a need for exploring other alternatives in order to fully secure the energy concerns in the country. With the exception of the Malampaya project (considered as one of the most-foreign-invested project in the Philippines), potentials of other sources are yet to be fully developed. And these projects would also require significant amounts of investment in infrastructure and transportation. If these potentials would be transformed to realizations, energy supply in the country may be somehow more sufficient, and oil dependence may be lessened. This, if ever developed, can be a big boost to the economy. This can also sustain the demand for energy supply and consumption in the Philippines and ease the ease the dependence on petroleum importation especially oil (please see TABLE 3). In the meantime, energy sufficiency and management remain as challenges for the Philippine government in partnership with the private sector.

Now, let me cite a few relevant theories and concepts that can provide the reader an initial vista of the recent formal explanations that attempt to establish the phenomenon of regional cooperation, and other concepts that may be considered crucial in the analysis of energy concerns. The organization’s 40 years (established in 1967)^[vii], have proven its progress as a regional economic and socio-cultural bloc that has grown into a core forum organization (tackling security, political, economic, socio-cultural issues) in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific regions. However, it is useful to remind ourselves that Asian regionalism as a distinctive field of study is remarkably new, and that until recently, it had remained largely atheoretical. Some Asian authors like Komori (2007) and Yoshimatsu (2006) argue that regionalization studies, those underpinned by institutionalist assumptions have made a number of important contributions to the study of Asian regional institutions.^[viii] Apparently, international relations scholars would put regional definitions within the context of some IR approaches. For instance, rationalist thinkers view regional integration, or cooperation, as a process of pursuing mutual interests of the member states. They have also convincingly argued that “cooperation” is possible and that rational and self-interested actors can achieve stable and enduring cooperation and overcome collective action dilemmas (Keohane 1984).^[1] Constructivist thinkers, on the other hand, view regionalism quite differently. Acharya (2009) examined the socializing effect of Asian regional institutions, using the theoretical and conceptual prism of constructivist approaches to international relations. Dirlik (1992) described the “Asia-Pacific idea” as somewhat a representation than reality: an artificial construct that rationalizes elite interests.^[ix] Some political scientists would categorize the formation and development of the ASEAN under the English School, (Quayle, undated) which is akin to constructivism and one that also recognizes the formation of international societies sharing norms and practices.

Like, regionalism and institutionalism, cooperation as a concept in international studies only emerged in the twentieth century, especially during the post-war years (1950s-1980s), while energy security as a perspective has only become prominent in the 1970s, and especially in the 1990s when it was related to human security and closely linked to environmental sustainability. Cooperation has become a nebulous, vague, and elusive concept, challenging scholars to allot more attention in exploring what motivates states to cooperate, or in the first place, why do they need to cooperate? Energy security, on the other hand, is placed in the realm of the non-traditional security perspective. Along with food security, energy security may be considered an emergent concern in most states primarily because of the increasingly important role that they play in the wider economic security of a state. In the literature review part of this proposal, ASEAN energy security issues were also succinctly discussed in the following articles: The Asian Energy Predicament (Manning (2000), Reassessing Energy Security and the Trans-ASEAN Natural Gas Pipeline Network in Southeast Asia (Sovacool’s, 2009), and the ASEAN factsheet’s Ensuring Energy Security in the ASEAN (2008 and 2009) by the Public Affairs Office of the ASEAN Secretariat.  Much of the related theories, approaches, concepts, and perspectives will be further detailed in the paper’s review of related literature.

Regionalism, institutionalism, cooperation, and energy security are indeed prominent concepts in the study of international relations in recent times, although as stated earlier, these areas remain vast seas of inquiry yet to be explored farther. An examination of these concepts and application to the case of the ASEAN might be an interesting study yet a very challenging one. Therefore, this research would like to fill in the gaps in the study of ASEAN institutionalism and energy issues; research gaps include questions that look into what constitutes ASEAN cooperation on energy security, and how economic integration leads to energy security. It is usually assumed that there is a link between the two but how they are directly related remains an area to be explored. Another significant concern that I wish to raise in this paper is the fact that although the Philippines has diverse energy resources, it has however relatively less reserves of conventional energy supplies such as oil and natural gas compared to neighboring states Indonesia and Malaysia. If this is the case, a vital concern that should be addressed here is to search for the most plausible response of the Philippine government and its energy sector to ease oil supply dependence and sufficiently meet the increasing demands.

This research will begin with an overview of ASEAN regional cooperation on energy as explained in theories, concepts, and perspectives, look into the region’s energy conditions, and find areas for cooperation especially through economic integration. After laying the general context, this research will eventually locate the Philippines’ in the whole picture. In sum, the foci of this research proposal will be on the ASEAN Cooperation on Energy Security and on the Philippines’ involvement in the regional frameworks that exemplify serious efforts to respond to ASEAN challenges in attaining energy security.