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By Lipadlawin of the Brown Raise Movement

Don’t be fooled at once by the title of the entry. The story behind that statement excludes us.

Last year, a friend left the Philippines and went to the United States. In his German class, the students were international. The professor asked who the Asians were and one by one the Asian students introduced themselves. And so it went, the Chinese, the Koreans, the Vietnamese, the Singaporeans etc. all raised their hands. Finally the professor calls this Filipino and asks,

Professor: Where are you from?

Filipino: Philippines

Professor: Oh, Filipinos are not Asians! They are Pacific Islanders! Because ASIANS ARE SMART…

In the United States, it is already being taught in schools that Filipinos are not Asians—that we are Pacific Islanders. While there is a lot of reaction against it, I am surprised that many intelligent Filipinos abroad have accepted this without question.

Pacific Islands are places like Samoa, Hawaii, Tahiti, Guam, Cook Islands, Mariana Islands—and their common denominator? Most of them do not possess their own national and political identities—they are islands under the jurisdiction and protection of more powerful countries like USA, France and New Zealand. Most of these Pacific Islands are still referred to as “indigenous natives.” They have very, very small populations and they have no global role or power. While they have their own unique culture and characteristics, they do not hail from any great civilization in the past. Hindi sila lumaban at tumayo para sa sarili nilang lahi.

What is even sad, however, is that even Pacific Islanders do not like and do not accept Filipinos! One good example are Hawaiian tourists we met in China. When they learned that we were Filipinos, they disgustingly uttered , “You eat Balot!” and avoided us like a plague.

The statement of this American guy, filled with racism obviously merits strong disapproval. In fact, our friend was so angry after having been humiliated in front of the class. The logical thing to say, is that the Philippines IS part of the ASEAN group of nations. We can also say that Japan is an island in the Pacific Ocean but is not considered a Pacific Island. But we should ask—why would no one dare to call the Japanese people Pacific Islanders? Why pick on the Philippines?

Simple. Because Japan has produced cars and we have produced dried mangoes and pastillas. The Philippines has been so left behind by Asian countries that foreigners shake their heads and ask, “What happened to your country?” Let us not even compare the Philippines with the four Tiger economies, ‘cuz they’re just way way way too far ahead. What about Vietnam and Thailand? I read that for every one Filipino who has a Master’s Degree, Vietnam has 6, Thailand has 25 and Singapore has 200. But why bother to be educated when the national dream is to go abroad? We are scattered from Hongkong to Kazakhstan, from Italy to even North Korea. Thousands of our doctors are becoming nurses. Our teachers become caregivers. Our women become entertainers and prostitutes. Our young people only know one course and that is nursing. Why would foreigners respect us when we do not even respect ourselves? We are the country of Gucci Gangs—our elite own Picassos and they simply have no heart to alleviate and educate the masses, as F. Sionil Jose and Brian Gorrell—the pitiful Australian guy who was robbed by DJ Montano—sadly pointed out.

I am reminded of Condoleezza Rice, the first black woman to become the United States Secretary of State. She was born in Alabama and suffered discrimination on account of her color. But she was taught from a young age by her father, that she had to be “twice as good”and prove that she was deserving of advancement. Condoleezza Rice explains, “I was going to be so well prepared, and I was going to do all of these things that were revered in white society SO WELL, that I would be armored somehow from racism. I would be able to confront white society on its own terms.” (Washington Post, Lessons of Might and Right, How Segregation and an Indomitable Family Shaped National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, By Dale Russakoff, September 9, 2001)

The only way to answer people, who insist that we are uncivilized tribes is not by shooting off our mouths. The only answer is to beat them by studying and working ten times harder than the rest—to beat them not just once or twice, but to do so consistently for the next 20,30, 40, 50 years. Unless we Filipinos are prepared to love our country, and sacrifice ourselves by doing the extra-mile, we really deserve to be called stupid.

For more of these great articles, please visit The Brown Raise. Google it, it’s worth the read.

Patience…

they say, is a virtue.

More than a virtue, it’s a gift. :)

Dear God, I’m asking for that gift. Give me patience please. :)

Kiampong

kiampong

Kiampong or “salted rice.” It’s sticky rice topped with nuts and some salted stuff.

A week ago, I was fortunate to join the Think Philippines Committee of the Ateneo High School in their Binondo Food Wok Walking Tour. As the name of the tour carries, it’s a street-slash-food tour. Actually, the tour was not really a first for me because I already had the chance to be part of the same activity last year during the AP Department’s Enrichment Program or something – I forgot what it’s called.

Manila’s Chinatown, for your information, is one of the oldest, if not the oldest, Chinatown in the world. And it’s riht here in Manila, Philippines, folks! :) Looking for Chinoy culture? Check this mishmash place. Fun.

Dumplings

We call them dumplings or more commonly known as siomai. FYI, the Chinese have so many dumpling cooking styles just as Filipinos do have so many adobo versions. The picture you see above are dumplings Northern Chinese style. :)

At Fireman's Restaurant

 We’re at the Fireman’s Restaurant here. Waiting for the food. :) I’m not sure if Fireman’s Restaurant is really the name of the foodhouse. Whatever it is, the name fits the resto because of the Fire Brigade pictures and fireman’s cap decorated on the walls of the place.

The paper examines what neoliberal institutionalism means, and how it explains the essential role of institutions  in the realization of9cda2516264d2034 international cooperation and interdependence using realist premises (structural) to attain liberal-idealist conclusions and to highlight the liberal perspective’s optimal outcomes. But in this paper, I also raise the question about the validity of that claim. The theory emerged as a complementary theory to neorealism that initially sought to explain the important role that institutions would play after the presumed decline of hegemony in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Proponents of the theory also attempted to develop a somewhat merger of realist and liberal claims yet does not really embrace both. It recognizes the fact, drawn from the realist perspective, that states are self-interested and rational egoistic actors in the anarchic global setting; but rejects the idea that states would remain so because they naturally are. Institutionalists veer away from the pessimistic standpoint as they choose to lean closer to the optimistic perspective which sees hope and cooperation among actors despite tendencies of clinging to rational choices alone. This combination of neorealism (structural realism) and neoliberalism (complex interdependence, institutions, and cooperation) results to another variant of the liberal school: neoliberal institutionalism.

For full text of the paper, please email me.

Post- EDSA Generation

2327559911_b88fd01249Kabilang ako sa Post-EDSA Generation at ang henerasyong ito ay unti-unti pa lamang nahihinog sa tunay na kahulugan ng pagka-Pilipino. Nang pumaimbabaw sa kasaysayan ang People Power Revolution sa EDSA noong 1986, 4 na buwan pa lamang akong nabubuhay sa mundo. Parang kasing edad ko lamang ang Rebolusyong ito na naging patunay na nananaig talaga ang katapangan at kagitingan sa diwa ng mga Pilipinong matagal na nasiil sa kadliman ng diktaturya. Naging huwaran pa nga ito para sa mga lipunang matagal ding nagtiis sa mapaniil na rehime ng kanilang awtoritaryang pamahalaan gaya nang sa ilang bansa sa Asya, Europa, at Soviet Bloc. Nakilala sa mundo ang katapangan ng mga Pilipino sa maluwalhating yugtong iyon ng kasaysayan ng bansa.

Kasabay sa aking pagtanda, sinikap ng henerasyong naglunsad ng People Power na mapanatili ang kababalik pa lamang na demokrasya. Bilang isang preparatory school student, wala naman akong malay na halos 7 taon pa lamang mula ng pinasibol ng Diyos ang aking buhay sa mundong ito, nagsisikap pa ring muling bumangon ang sambayanang matagal na nagtiis para muling makamit ang kalayaan. Ang naibutan ko lang kasi noon batay sa nahagilap mula sa aking alaala ay mga larawan ni Cory Aquino sa pader ng aming klasrum. Maliban doon, wala na akong maaalalang bakas ng People Power. Sa aking pagtungtong sa grade 1, hindi naman agad itinuro sa amin ang tungkol sa People Power Revolution. Ni hindi ko na rin masyado maalala ang mga itinuro sa akin ng Sibika teacher kong si Gng. Resi. Dumagdag ang mga taon. Natagpuan ko ang aking sarili na bahagi ng henerasyong tila kimi (apathetic) sa mga kaganapan sa kanilang lipunan. Marahil nagsawa na rin ang ilan sa kakaasa sa mga bagong lider na nangangako ng pagbabago para sa bansa. Lalo na nung panahon ng panunungkulan ni datng pangulong Estrada, tila isang busabos sa kasaysayan ang lipunang napapalibutan ng samu’t saring suliranin at pinakamabigat dito ay kahirapan. Tila isang malaking busabos ang Pilipinas sa hanay ng mga bansa sa Timog-Silangang Asya. Ilang taon lamang ito mula nang lindolin ng Asian Financial Crisis ang ekonomiya ng bansa. Naalala ko, isa ang pamilya namin sa matinding naapektuhan ng krisis na ito nang bumagsak ang negosyo ni mama. Isa kami sa maraming Pilipinong nagsikap na umahon sa kabila ng pangyayaring ito. Pinanghawakan naming walang ibang maaasahan kundi ang Diyos. Tanging Siya lang. Pero kailangan pa rin kumilos. Dapat may ginagawa. Nasa Diyos ang awa, nasa tao ang gawa. Nagsikap kaming umahon. Kasabay ng maraming Pilipinong balisa sa kanilang hinaharap, nagsikap kaming unti-unting tumayo at harapin ang hamon ng panahon. Dito na ako unti-unting namulat na realidad ng lipunang aking kinabibilangan -isang lipunang nanatiling biktima ng nabubulok na sistemang pulitikal. Pero uunahan na kita, batay ito sa perspektibo ng isang high school student.

youthNang tumuntong ako sa kolehiyo bilang mag-aaral ng UP, humampas sa aking unti-unti pa lamang nabubuksan na diwa bilang simpleng mamamayan ang mga protesta laban sa pamahalaan. Niyaya pa nga ako ng isang kamag-aral na sumali sa isang rally. Tinawagan ko mga magulang ko para magpaalam (siempre good boy) at sabi ni mama “Huwag na huwag kang sumali, aatakihin ako sa puso sa gagawin mo.” Marahil isa nga iyon sa mga dahilan kung bakit maraming magulang ang natatakot paaralin ang kanilang mga anak sa unibersidad ng mga aktibista. Sa aking pag-iisip, mananatli lang ba kaming naghihintay sa pagbabago? Hindi magkakaroon ng pagbabago kung walang kikilos. Pero ang pagkilos ay hindi lamang natatali sa pagsali sa mga protesta laban sa pamahalaan. Ang pakikisangkot ay pagsisikap na gawin ang iyong kaya bilang iyong paraan ng pagtataya para sa pagtataguyod ng bansa. Bilang mag-aaral, nag-aral akong mabuti at nagtapos nang may karangalan. Pero ayokong maging hipokrito at sasabihing ginawa ko iyon para sa bayan. Hindi ko agad naisip ang bayan. Ginawa ko iyon para sa higit na ikaluluwalhati ng Diyos, para sa ikararangal din ng aking pamilya at para sa aking magandang kinabukasan. Huli sa aking mga naisin ang pagbibigay karangalan para sa aking bansa. Medyo ironic pa nga dahil Philippine Studies ang aking kursong tinapos.

Nang matapos ako sa undergrad, muli akong nag-aral para maging dalubhasa sa International Studies. Kasabay nito, nag-apply ako bilang guro ng Araling Panlipunan sa Ateneo. Isang mamamayang dungo, naging guro ng isang subject na nagtuturo ng pagkamakabayan? Pero salamat sa Diyos at dito Niya ako nilagay sa paaralang ito. Katuwang ang mga guro at mag-aaral, unti-unting sumibol sa akin ang katagang “Magtaya para bayan.” Pagtataya o paglalaan ng makakaya mo para sa pagtataguyod ng Pilipinas. Sa paulit-ulit kong pagtuturo at pagbibigay diin sa mahahalagang bahagi ng kasaysayan ng bansa at mga kasalukuyang isyu sa lipunan, natuto rin ako at unti-unting nagkaroon ng tunay na kamalayan. Ito na rin siguro ang aking paraan para ipakita ang aking aktibong pakikisangakot -ang ibahagi sa mga mag-aaral ang aking nalalaman at hubugin silang maging mga mamamayang may takot sa Diyos at maypagmamahal sa bansa.

Kasabay ko ang pag-usbong ng yugtong People Power sa ating kasaysayan. Kasabay din ng aking henerasyon, namulat ako sa katotohanang ito ang aking lipunan -mishmash ng mga mamamayang may pakialam at wala. Pero ito na rin siguro ang hamon sa aking henerasyon -ang makisangkot at muling pagalabin ang diwa hindi lamang ng EDSA, kundi ang diwa ng pagiging isang tunay na Pilipino -maka-Diyos, makabayan, at makatao. :)

Paalam

(My last blog entry for our Social Studies class’ multiply site.)

I think I haven’t been a very good teacher during the entire school year. Even if I didn’t see one of my students’ rating of his teachers, I knew I’d get a grade of 4, 5 being the HPS. Thinking again, all those who got 5 were already veteran teachers, being in such profession for years. Given so, I think 4 is quite enough for a new one like me. Ang taas pa nga yata nun. Dude, make it 3 na lang. hahahaha…

I already know the reasons. Often, I teach too fast to the point of bulol na ako. I had a hard time too managing stuff. You know, a teacher’s job pala is not limited in the classroom lang, the room per se. A teacher has other duties -check papers, make lesson plans, prepare visually-stimulating educational aids, prepare quizzes and LTs, communicate with parents, faculty meetings and so on. It’s not really just about walking on the platform and along narrow spaces between columns and rows of seats in the classroom while trying to catch the students attention, making them focus on the lesson or subject matter. It’s so challenging, you know.

Bilang guro, di lang ako nagtuturo. Bilang guro, sinisikap ko ring maging instrumento para mahubog sila. At yun ang di maintindihan ng iba kapag nagbibigay ako ng mababang grado. marami dyan, gusto puro matataas na grade na hindi naman sila deserving batay sa output. Ang iba mas pinahahalagahan ang .5 kesa sa maintindihan na may kulang sa essay niya, mas pinahahalagahan ang 1 point at magtatampo dahil nakakuha ng -1 dahil sa NFD, mas pinahahalagahan pa nila yun kesa sa pagkatuto na huwag nang ulitin pa ang pagkakamali.

I guess, ganun talaga ang trabaho ng guro- nagtuturo at umuunawa.

Sometimes, because of sleepy faces or noisy students, I get lost too. Haay, too many things I want to express. That’s one of the limitations of a teacher — in spite the fact that he has the mastery of his subject, he can’t explain everything. Simplest or most profound.

Indeed, we can’t learn everything in an instant. Pinatitibay ng panahon — hinuhubog ng Diyos upang maging mahusay sa kalaunan.

That’s the best thing I’ve realized. :)

The bottomline is… yeah, sorry guys, hindi ko na-meet ang expectations ninyo. Pero sana dumating ang panahon na makita rin ninyo ang maliliit na bagay na naibahagi ko sa inyong pagkatuto sa first year high school bilang AP teacher ninyo.

Salamat at paalam…. sa iba, kasi mukhang may magsa-summer. Dun sa mga mapo-promote, paburger naman kayo. :)

Malalaking regalo kayo ni God sa yugtong ito ng buhay ko, pramis. :) sige na, nagdadrama na ako dito.

God bless you, students of 1C, 1F, 1H, 1K, 1N.

Analysis on Middle East Oil, MNCs and the Philippine Government’s Role Links

Aaron Laylo

It was mid-2008 when oil prices augmented to their highest peak for the year. Such “oil price crisis” had direct and shaky effect on international and local trade for almost two months. Import transportation cost higher. As an effect, duty and tariff prices could also increase; thus affecting the prices of imported goods. As these commodities reach the domestic market, and transported again to smaller markets, prices could have reached the ceiling level. Not only would the goods be affected by price increase but even transportation fare. This chain effect that began with international oil price increase had adverse effects even to mere domestic consumers of the sari-sari store or the simple jeep pasahero.

How does international political economy of oil affect the Philippine energy industry? What is the important role of the government in adjusting oil prices or does it have authority to dictate prices at all? How powerful are multinational oil companies and their impact on the local industries? Who holds a tighter and stronger grip on black gold–the producers or price-setters?

The largest hydrocarbon deposits in the world may be found in the Middle East. For this reason, most members of the Oil Producing and Exporting Countries belong to this region. It may also be one of the reasons why this region plays an important role in global political economy. However, although the region exports large numbers of barrels of oil, it does not fully or directly determine prices. This other important task is at the capitalist helm of multinational companies which are responsible for the rise and fall of oil prices in the international market.

Given the distinguished roles of oil-producing and exporting countries against that of multinational corporations, which group may be considered more significant in oil importation? With which group then should the Philippines tie up tighter trade relations and economic partnership?

Middle East is the largest supplier or source of oil to the Philippines. MNCs dictate the prices. Since the Philippines is dependent on Middle East oil, we value our trade relations with the region’s oil-selling states. But given that MNCs dictate the prices, the Philippines, therefore is tied up with these companies more than the oil source itself. It may be neutral and good to say then that we must maintain close ties with both the OPEC and MNCs to safeguard and satisfy the country’s need for black gold.

The smoke however gets into the picture when oil prices rocket in the market. As oil source states increase the value of their product, the MNCs would add profit and when they market refined oil to the consumer-states, the oil price would have multiplied many-folds already. It’s given that in such scenario, it’s always the consumerist state that would simply comply with the dictates of oil prices. How does this consumerist state adjust to soaring numbers given the continuous demand for oil in the country?

Here comes the role of the government –regulation. But still, it depends on how the government handles the economy and on what principle it follows. In the Philippine setting, oil prices have been deregulated since mid to latter 1990s when Ramos broke the monopoly of the big three and set the tone for deregulation. This follows free trade. At first, the result was commended by the masses. Since there is competition in free trade, oil companies tend to lower their prices, thus everyone could enjoy cheap oil. However, as the government partly allows free trade through deregulation, influential and giant oil companies may also tend to connive and eventually dictate a common price which may dominate and practically dictate the prices again, and add larger profits to these giant companies. The common people are those that are worst affected by this oil game. Even when there are crises, influential players are still winners and consumers are clearly the losers here. They can’t do anything to pull down oil prices because in the first place, it is the government’s free trade approach that tolerates it. In free trade, anything goes and things only stop when things hit the ground. But things such as oil prices do not actually stop in free trade, they just decline. Eventually, they’ll soar as soon as crises soften.

MNCs and the OPEC countries are important to the Philippines insofar as the political economy of oil is concerned. But these two components may be harsh too in the economic climate of the country if the government will not intervene in times of wanton dominance by the former. It is therefore the government’s prime responsibility here to hold on to the interest of its people. Free trade may be good for the country but the government should always see to it that the energy needs of the country would not be too much dependent on foreign oil resources and companies. If such happens, the country would less likely to attain its development plans and sustainable energy programs.

Aaron Laylo

Estimately 10 percent of the total population of the Philippines works overseas. In almost every corner of the globe, you can find Filipinos working as supervisors but most of them, as support employees, “mere” low-skilled workers, just as how their masters see them. But when asked what compels them to work abroad, most of them would reply with reason: For greener pastures. Indeed, there’s reason on that. Greener pastures may mean bigger salaries to satisfy or to somehow fill in their financial obligations. For most Filipinos, working abroad has always been as simple as that: working in greener pastures. Only a few do recognize that even in green pastures, especially, in an alien land, they are still vulnerable to various sorts of troubles related to their menial jobs. They become subject to abuse and ill-treatment by their employers.

 Thank God, my father who still works in Saudi Arabia has not so far encountered such harsh treatment, maybe because he’s sort of a supervisor there. But how about those Filipinos who work well but still are abused by their employers in various manners?

OFWs

The government, as the manager of its citizens’ affairs, is responsible for the protection and welfare of the Filipinos working overseas and must see to it that they are treated decently despite their low status. The Philippine government should recognize that OFWs are not mere commodities in alien lands; they are human beings who have physical weaknesses too and emotional defenselessness at times, and most importantly, they also deserve respect for man worthy of any person. And that is what the government should take action of. It must ensure that proper treatment is given to Filipinos working abroad.

And since the government has already been seeing overseas migration as a tool for economic stimulation through remittances from OFWs, therefore beneficial to the country’s development, they should also consider actions that may further boost OFWs vital role in nation-building. By formulating laws that would ensure their protection and welfare, the government could suppose that workers sent abroad will be more interested and may therefore become more productive in their line of work. In that manner also, OFWs could improve their skills, because they are motivated. If the government employs an informal policy on labor migration that encourages further export of manpower, it must also add value and reason to such actions: economic growth driven by healthy and motivated overseas workers.

Coordinating with governments of labor-receiving states is perhaps the most appropriate action now. A more concrete step is to review available bilateral labor agreements and forge BLAs with countries with which the Philippines has not yet tapped or being tapped. These BLAs should be responsive to the present challenges that OWFs should courageously face in alien lands.

In fairness to the government, it has been responsive on matters pertaining to the need for creating laws and policies that push for the protection, security, and welfare of OFWs. It has forged BLAs with some countries regarding manpower development. With RA 8042 or the Migrant Workers Law passed in 1995, provisions concerning the recruitment, development, protection, security and welfare of migrant workers have been recognized. But the more important actions expected by the people is the implementation, actually proper implementation of the provisions and other laws done in the past. Through the DFA, DOLE and related agencies though, it has responded to some cases with regard to abuses and maltreatments to OFWs. These key agencies coordinate with and through a network of related offices such as embassies and consulates as well as labor offices. It may also be very helpful if the government would further recognize the important role of the migrant labor sector, such as in a recent global forum on migration held in Manila.

Overseas Filipino Workers are recognized as new heroes because of their personal sacrifice for their families left in the country. They also play a significant role in increasing the countries finances through their remittances. But more than their financial importance, their human value is what matters more. They deserve attention.

Aaron Laylo

 

In the last quarter of 2008, three attention-worthy events heralded in the region and the globe: an economic recession, Bangkok’s airport take-over/ standoff, and the Mumbai terrorist attack that panicked the Asian neigborhood. The Philippines, as part of the table of nations and of an emerging region, is never isolated  from the events that knock its awareness and participation in pursuing a more secure, cooperative, and dynamic environment. Tangible and intangible factors categorized into political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects (ideas, principles, economy etc.) all contribute to how a state’s foreign policies and external relations are being shaped and likewise shape other states’ relations.

 

 

Melt. Global Economic Meltdown. 

The recent global financial meltdown has caused panic to states especially those who have close economic ties (having interconnected markets, dependent to each other). The Philippine government however tried to calm the public by asserting that the country’s economic measures will surpass the financial meltdown. But IBON, a think tank, has an opposite view –it supposes that the administration’s economic strategies are precisely what have made Philippine economy so vulnerable to such factors. 

There are three (3) important aspects of Philippine economy that may be directly affected by the global financial crisis recession: migrant workers, exports, and industries established by foreign investors (labor, trade and industry sectors, respectively).

Slow global growth may curb OFW deployments while those who have already been working in the US and other countries which have been worst affected by the meltdown may suffer from massive layoffs. As a result of slow deployment as well as of the layoffs, remittance slowdown may decrease domestic consumption thus making the economy quite dormant at a time. The government’s manual labor export-oriented courses of action and reliance to sustain the presently gasping economy should not be maintained for a long term basis. In time, change of policies in recipient countries may directly affect hiring of overseas workers. Competency in skills are not solely endowed to Filipino workers; if other equally skilled but less English-fluent laborers will emerge as parallel to Filipinos in terms of efficiency and competency, then  recipient states may do the necessary measures to save up for their economy by laying off less-competent workers. Creating domestic jobs and producing quality goods by building competent local industries may be a feasible first-step solution to this problem. Indeed, overseas remittances to the country are vital at present. Foreign reserves are hardly needed by the economy during these critical times. But the government and the families of OFWs must already take advantage of remittance influx by investing on long tem businesses. In doing preventive actions, the country’s labor export may be reduced to an alternative solution to the country’s economic problems.

The credit crunch and financial mess may result to drops in large markets’ consumption of exports, while foreign  investments in the country may be harshly affected. Some twenty (20) percent of the Philippines’ exports go directly to the US, 50 percent flow to Japan, China, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, and Malaysia but a large part of these exports are actually components for manufacturing whose final destination is also the US. As slower growth in these markets continue, it is most likely that exports from the Philippines could suffer declining rates too.

Meanwhile, foreign investments could probably be pulled-out or uprooted from the country as a result of these companies’ gross and net losses. In the Philippines, for instance, where the BPO and IT industries mushroomed and served as few of the important solutions to the then soaring unemployment rates could face unpleasant results if the recession will worsen this year. These industries may be hit hard by the economic recession because of their considerable  dependence on the US market. Given such, any gradual or sudden decrease on their revenues from could affect local telecommunications and marketing industries.

 

world stocks fell last november

The Philippine economy, like other state economies, is linked to a large network of regional and international trade relations. Active and thriving trade relations may give way to a more productive and healthier economic enviroment. But in this time of trade deceleration, relatively less vigorous states in terms of economic perfomance could suffer the hardest hit of the global recession. Intense endurance and willingness to emerge from this anticipated global mess are therefore required in order to surpass the worst of economic odds. In addition, the government should push through with the decoupling effect where the country’s economy is supposedly much less dependent on the US. Self-determination is a very important key to attaining progress and success.

 

Tumble. The Bangkok Airport Take-over

 

The Bangkok airport stand-off reflects not only political instability but also irresponsible democracy tumbling the Thai people into their own socio-political mess and pulling the nation back to square one.

 

In late November, an anti-Thaksin group called People’s Alliance for Democracy blockaded Bangkok’s two important airports by surrounding each one with a 3-km long barbed wire fence. Stranded passengers initially found ways to find some comfort inside the airport until they were accomodated to hotels.

 

Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat, an ally of the formerly and now exiled Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, landed on Chiangmai instead in oder to escape the tension in the Thai capital city. A temporary government seat was set up in Chiangmai. The rallyists were indirectly supported by an army chief who likewise asked the prime minister to dissolve the parliament and leave his position. Somchai, as a response, fired the national chief instead who was an ally of the general. The tension grew and burst in days.

In the first week of December, the Constitutional Court dissolved the three political parties identified with Thaksin for electoral fraud in the most recent elections. Somchai resigned. PAD triumphed, but not yet completely.

This is so reminiscent of the People Power Revolution which ousted a two-decade authoritarian government under Marcos and brought democracy back to the islands. The only difference is that PAD preferred rallying at the airport than in the streets. Although this may be a good showcase of the advantages of people power, it may not be a perfect testimony to the advantages of democracy. In EDSA, the people triumphed in bringing back democray but years after the restoration of popular democracy, coups began to disturb and set the economy in shaking motion. After more than a decade, history “repeated” for in the same highway, people rallied for the resignation of then president Joseph Estrada, bringing with them only the values and principles of popular democracy which in my interpretation is a kind of democracy that is capable of toppling an unpleasant government. So is that what we call democracy?

In contemporary times particularly since the historic and significant people power revolution, people try to topple their governments through this “soft power” backed up only with reason and advocacy for socio-political changes at the national level. The Philippine example has become an inspiration to fellow Asians and other nations, showing that collective efforts backed up with a reasonable cause may bring a significant change with an impact to other peoples. But democracy Filipino style is not actually the democracy that the Thai populace represented in the Bangkok standoff.

Comprising PAD protestors are middle class Thais whose goal is to depose all of Thaksin’s allies in the government. For two years now, political violence and instability has set the country’s economy into gradual decline. PAD has succeeded at this certain period in ousting a Thaksin ally but they might flood the streets or repeat an airport takeover if another ally takes the always vacated prime position in the limited monarchy state. PAD’s actions do not just unnerve the foreigners, on whom Thailand’s economy depends, but also Thaksin supporters and proxies.

They may not have been fighting for democracy like what the Filipinos fought for in EDSA. They fight for mere change of government – one that may have been a threat to their interests as an emerging elite. Does this mean that not all protests by the people equates to democracy? What then is necessary? Responsive and reasonable democracy. With no easy fix for Thailand’s leadership woes, the cycle of suffering continues (quoted from TIME, December 2008 issue).

 

Burst. The Mumbai Terror

In the last week of November, India shook in terror as Mumbai, one of its major cities and the country’s financial hub, was attacked indiscrimately resulting to the death of less than 200 foreigners and domestics in a supposedly secure district of the city. That fateful day sort of ignited India’s kept grief and anger towards their inflictors and may soon explode into a threatening nuclear war between it and Pakistan, its neighbor and long-time rival on the disputed Kashmir zone. But more than just the Kashmir conflict, a deeper and wider divergence roots from something intangible –the issue of socio-religious gaps between the once single nation.

Majority of Indians blaze in anger towards their minor Muslim counterparts suspected of propagating terrorist activities in various parts of India. But Indians do not only put the blame blatantly towards their former nationals, but also towards their government. They see their government lacking effective security services and appropriate attention to settle their long-time dispute against Pakistan. As one Indian scholar expressed, “There is a pervasive feeling of massive government failure (in India).”

So do the Filipinos think of their intelligence, defense and police units. At a larger scale, they see their government being incapable of taming terrorist attacks spurred by socio-religious problems between the Christian majority and Muslim minority. Like India, there’s this long time and widening divergence of beliefs and principles between two peoples in the Philippines. If the gap continues to widen, and feelings of separation grow worse, things might burst into flames and eventually result to the collapse of intranational relations (in the case of the Filipinos and Muslim separatists) and international relations (between Indians and Pakistanis). The escalating emotions of grief and revenge from the unattended and less powerful party could provoke enormous damage towards innocent people. It is therefore the military’s responsibility to prevent such harm towards the inhabitants. Defense and security should be upheld in order to avoid enormous casualties.

In the surge of the Mumbai attacks, the Philippines must learn from the lesson. It had its own stories of terrorist attacks which for quite a time have declined. The government must tighten security, provide better intelligence, stronger defense and more responsive police departments. At present, the Mindanao conflict has been absent from daily broadsheets yet the problem hidden in the outskirts of the center may continue to intensify. If such happens, things may be too late for another hundreds of innocent victims would have bore the irresponsiveness not just of the government but of the two peoples too in settling their differences. Doing so is no easy job but looking for patches of common similarites may bring the two people closer and eventually cover the horrors of their past.

 

 

 

As the year draws to a close, the Philippines finds itself in a very dynamic international environment. The above-expounded events may have direct or indirect implications to the country’s external relations. External relations does not just pertain to how the Philippines conduct and practice diplomacy with other states but it also carries the idea that events occuring among these states influence and affect perceptions of each other – its peoples which then shapes international relations.

Critical times like this will surely measure how effective, efficient, and responsive the Philippines’ external relations are, and if not much so, there is always a bulky room for learning and improvement. Meltdown, tumbling and bursting may face the neighborhood next year and even in the years to come (I’m not being pessimistic but rather realistic) but an efficient and ready state would know how to attend to such crises. On a personal tone, I wish the world will someday wake and realize that it has brought itself into this mess because of its pride, and that unless it bends down on its knees and ask for God’s blessing and salvation from such corrupted and wrecked global setting, it will continue to tumble, melt and burst into pieces.

References:

Pinoypress.net

TIME magazine (December 2008 issue)

Nice words in song.

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